Showing posts with label writing. Show all posts
Showing posts with label writing. Show all posts

2014-12-10

The Future of Virtual and Augmented Reality in Technological Reproductions of Historic Environments

Definitions


Virtual Reality (VR), sometimes referred to as immersive multimedia, is a computer-simulated environment that can simulate physical presence in places in the real world or imagined worlds. Virtual reality can recreate sensory experiences, which include virtual taste, sight, smell, sound, touch, etc.


Augmented reality (AR) is a live direct or indirect view of a physical, real-world environment whose elements are augmented (or supplemented) by computer-generated sensory input such as sound, video, graphics or GPS data.


VR and AR technologies are nothing new. Since Sir Charles Wheatstone and Sir David Brewster’s 1838 stereoscope (image 1) artists and technologists have been in search of new and innovative ways to create 3D experiences and immersive recreations of the real world.


Charles_Wheatstone-mirror_stereoscope_XIXc.jpg
Image 1 Wheatstone and Brewster’s stereoscope (1838)


However, with the advent of ever expanding electronic platforms and manufacturing technology, the opportunities for digitally and physically representing historic environments have never been greater.  Commonly, analog AR technology already exists through site-specific installations like those found in Carnutum, Austria (image 2) recreating the Roman Heidentor (heathen’s gate) for the benefit of visitors.  Similar VR technology re-creates the caves of Lascaux directly to your personal computer (web link).  


Carnutum Heidentor.jpg
image 2 Augmented reality station of the Heidentor in Carnutum, Australia (2004)

With the emergence of new digital platforms like the Oculus Rift, opportunities for VR/AR to recreate historic contexts are becoming more and more easily accessible.  3D modeling and rendering technology also allows for technology platforms to recreate historic contexts with ever-greater degrees of precision and realism.  Games like Assassin’s Creed recreate in full detail historic moments of Boston, Rome, New York, Venice, and Paris for the viewer to explore and engage with, effectively immersing the player into the past and allowing the opportunity to explore history for him/herself.  How then can architects, designers, and heritage professionals prepare for future opportunities in the emerging world of virtual and augmented reality?


AC_BS.jpg
image 3 Players explore and engage with the urban context of Boston in Assassin’s Creed III (2012)


The answer lies in accessible platform integration and a healthy mix of market practices with private and academic research.  Where gaming technology is still limited to platforms that are not accessible to everyone (the price tag for an Oculus Rift hovers between $150 and $300), virtual and augmented reality can be made increasingly available to cell phones vis-a-vis the built in gyroscope found in almost all smartphone devices.  This gyroscope allows your phone to detect when it is being used in landscape or platform orientation, but it also allows for more specific shifts, such as knowing when you are looking North versus West, up versus down, etc.
For our class’s infill design challenge this semester I recreated our site in UnrealEngine 4.2, a software that integrates with Oculus Rift to create a first-person experience exploring the streets of Fishtown (image 4.1 and 4.2).  

Street 1.jpg
image 4.1: recreation of Fishtown site in UnrealEngine looking south ( 2014)
Street 2.jpg
image 4.2: recreation of Fishtown site in UnrealEngine looking north ( 2014)


At our final review in order to provide a more accessible, non-oculus experience I simply
printed out our project site at ⅛”=1’-0” scale onto two pieces of foam, held the two sides of the street apart from each other, and allowed critics to ‘explore’ the site for themselves (image 5).  I predict in the future it will be possible to create an urban context and architectural design on a mobile-platform-ready software so that reviewers (and in the working world, clients) can explore the design for themselves at the flick of a finger.

NAH_20141209_DayStreetInfillChallenge-2.png

NAH_20141209_DayStreetInfillChallenge-3.png
Image 5 physical recreation of Day Street printed at ⅛”=1’-0” scale onto two pieces of foam, held the two sides of the street apart from each other and used by critics to ‘explore’ our project site




2014-11-01

Diagnostics and Monitoring

Architecture students are no stranger to the technical dynamics of building construction.  But one aspect of architectural design that has fascinated me for a while is the shortsightedness of those in the building trade.  When a client approaches a contractor, architect, or engineer to solicit their work on a new building, does the client think "I want this building to stand the test of time" or does he/she think "I just want a good return on my investment".  Perhaps these two desires are more closely related than we think-- that the value of a building is equally tied to its ability to endure and its capacity to interpret culture (or perhaps project culture) through contemporary design and construction


With this in mind, I have been enjoying Michael Henry's building diagnostics and monitoring course, in which we explore building pathology and the ways in which time and elements take their toll on the built environment.


I'd like to also suggest that while contemporary building design seems to fall closer to the side of Return on Investment and Speed of Construction, most architecture students receive little to no training about how their building design will perform over of time.  Design studios seem to focus almost exclusively on concept and quality of design (with, every so often, a nod to context).  But while architecture students most likely imagine that the buildings they are proposing will last forever, there is scant consideration of the corrosive/erosive/decaying dynamics of architecture that inevitably undo the best laid design plans.  This small diagram lays out the gap between architecture studio theory (ideal), the theoretically normative place that I believe architecture should seek to design for, and the actual (positive) place that most buildings are built today.

2014-09-10

Working Thesis




It is no secret that urban centers around the world find their education systems in a state of economic and political upheaval. From first-world democracies to third-world dictatorships, the triple-threat of economic hardship, political ineptitude/corruption, and material/structural building deficiencies have rendered urban public education in a state of social and political crisis.


While some cities have been able to stabilize their public education system with national subsidies or private gifts and funding, dis-invested urban centers with an already spotted history of social and economic hardship are often at the brunt end of the totem pole when cities whose very economic and political survival is at stake make triage decisions about which schools to save, which districts in which they should re-invest, and which social and public policies to enact.


As the struggle between ever-greater suburbanization and re-urbanization of cities in the United States polarizes the nation into a culture of ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’, many public schools have closed either due to shifts toward charter- and private-school education or in response to changing urban and urban-fringe demographics.


This thesis explores the question of what cities and societies can do to redeem failing neighborhoods and urban cores through the adaptive re-use of abandoned public schools.  By analyzing the contextual, psychological, and political factors at play, this thesis proposes how one Philadelphia-area school can address contemporary urban challenges through its re-purposing into a new community asset.











2014-09-08

Hard Lines, Soft Lines, Broken Lines: An Architectural Analysis of the Colombian Built Environment





Typical residential expansion methodology
in the United States (left) and Colombia (right)



for·mal
[fawr-muhl]
adjective

1. being in accordance with the usual requirements, customs, etc.;conventional: to pay one's formal respects.
2. marked by form or ceremony: a formal occasion.
3. designed for wear or use at occasions or events marked by elaborate ceremony or prescribed social observance: The formal attire included tuxedos and full-length gowns.
4. requiring a type of dress suitable for such occasions: a formal dance.
5. observant of conventional requirements of behavior, procedure,etc., as persons; ceremonious.


in·for·mal
[in-fawr-muhl]
adjective

1. without formality or ceremony; casual: an informal visit.
2. not according to the prescribed, official, or customary way or manner; irregular; unofficial: informal proceedings.
3. suitable to or characteristic of casual and familiar, but educated,speech or writing.




FORMAL: being in accordance with the usual requirements, customs, etc.;conventional: to pay one's formal respects.
INFORMAL:not according to the prescribed, official, or customary way or manner; irregular; unofficial: informal proceedings.

In contemporary architectural discourse, formalism is an oft-touted term to describe buildings that project meaning solely through their form.  While the professional and academic community recognizes this term formalism as a paradigm for buildings to aspire to beauty, the currents of social and architectural discourse are beginning to shift.  While the formalism-for-form’s-sake of iconic skyscrapers and megastructures is undeniably elegant, three new means of organization also exist: the biomimic, the modular, and the informal. The first two means are most often found in more developed parts of the world; biomimic organization seeks to represent natural systems and organizational strategies through technology and construction, modular organization seeks to represent buildings through their accretion and addition over time through the repetitive use of modular elements (most notably through the architectural experimentation of the Japanese metabolists and increasingly in the work of parametric mass customization).  But organization through informal means is perhaps the least understood of these three means; rather than working to impose an order upon a building’s form, informalism emerges as the unpredictable formal development of a space when left to time and the common hand of builders who expand and manifest their personal spatial needs within the framework of a traditional architectural space.
While in Colombia this summer our class worked to understand this breed of informalism set against the backdrop of a rapidly developing South American nation.  While we visited three major metropolitan areas (Medellin, Bogota, and Cartagena) we also passed through many informal metropolitan areas that were often not demarcated by markers or traditional signs of urban development, but rather by their lack of formal organization and development.  These two forces, the formal and the informal, battle against each other in all aspects of Colombian life from architecture to social and political structure.  But most notably and visibly, colombian cities have responded to this battle between the formal and the informal in one of three ways: 1) the Hard Line: embracing and enforcing the formal. 2) The Soft Line: imposing the formal only to have it systematically rejected by the city’s forces of the informal. 3) the Broken Line: by finding ways to stitch together forces of the formal and the informal into a patchwork quilt of built spaces that begin to approximate how cities and architectural projects can predict an evolution of design that provides a well-organized project within an infrastructure that can accommodate eventual appropriation and expansion based on the informal and formal needs of the building’s users and inhabitants.
In this paper I will explore how the these three expositions of the formal and informal have manifested by analysing one case study in each city.  For Medellin, a city that has imposed Hard Line formal development I will analyze San Cristobal Biblioteca and the shifting tides of Colombian architectural formalism.   For Bogota, a city that has imposed Soft Line formal development I will analyze Biblioteca El Tintal and the failures of hard-line formal Colombian architecture.  And for Cartagena I will be analyzing the city walls and the shifting use and forms of public infrastructure.

\\

Chapter 1: Medellin -- the Hard Line

Medellin: Bound by mountains on either side
 and organized along a central axis, the city's E-W expansion
 challenges the traditional boundaries of the city
Medellin: a city constrained. As two high ridges of the Andes mountains have guided the city into a linear North-South development along the base of these two ridges, forces of informal occupation have pushed the city’s poorest citizens to develop ever-higher reaches of the eastern and western mountain slopes.  But over the past several decades as Medellin has recovered from cartel wars and narco-trafficking, city officials have taken proactive measures to develop a system of subway lines that funnel public transit North-South along the valley floor and a system of cable cars that extend up the eastern and western mountain slopes to service the informal barrios of the city’s poorest residents.  

The city’s effective implementation of this linear transit route has ensured that even the most far-flung and least provided-for residents have easy access to central city plazas and a direct access route of formal transit through dangerous intermediary neighborhoods to access jobs and social centers throughout the metropolitan region.  In short, Medellin has been able to successfully construct a formal system of spatial and social organization around unyielding social and infrastructural hard lines.  This conflict of hard lines against informal social practices is perhaps visible most poignantly in the Fernando Botero  biblioteca (library) in San Cristobal.  Although the neighborhood is peripheral to the city core, it is easily accessible through the city’s MetroCable cable car system and the library sits in a prominent point from which by day it stands out as a beacon of culture and security to the neighborhood, and at night blends into the backdrop of the city to create a much-needed public resource space -- almost a theatrical stage on which the informal antics of the Colombian barrio can thrive under the watchful eye of a building built to protect and defend its users.  

G Aterlier's Biblioteca Fernando Botero (above) mirrors the traditional
 Colombian building expansion methodology with a greater capacity
to adapt than Mazzanti's Biblioteca Espana (below left)
 or Felipe Uribe's Biblioteca EPM (below right)
But while the Fernando Botero library is admired for its sleek ‘hard line’ elegance, the building’s true mastery comes through its interior layout.  Circulation around the building enters through a central axis entry (along the building’s longest two faces) to a run of interior circulation that connects private office spaces with reading rooms, performance halls, and computer labs.  While each of these spaces are well placed within the overall building form, the most ingenious element of the building’s layout is the inclusion of a structural grid that will allow for the addition of a future second floor above the central reading room.  The architect’s understanding of informal growth in the San Cristobal neighborhood took into account that the building would need to grow as the community grows, and rather than placing a formal second floor above the reading room he decided to instead lay the formwork for a second floor but let the future use of the library dictate what programmatic elements should occupy the second storey.



How can we view this in light of other hard line buildings in Medellin? Whereas many of the city’s formalist structures act as sculptures lifted on pedestals to be admired by the surrounding neighborhoods (Felipe Uribe’s plaza structures and Giancarlo Mazzanti’s Biblioteca Espana for example), these buildings are icebergs. Islands of fixed use unable to be modified or expanded upon from within.  They hold true to Medellin city’s desire to see the city respond to orderly hard line fixed and formal structures. But at San Cristobal biblioteca (unlike most notably Santo Domingo biblioteca), future use is anticipated and designed into the building’s design and construction.  A happy marriage of the informal nature of barrio development cast starkly in contrast with the city’s desire to see buildings as fixed and formal cultural establishments unchanging as the years go by.

Chapter 2: Bogota -- the Soft Line

Bogota: Bound by mountains to the East, its
soft infrastructure enables unbounded urban sprawl
to the west, exceeding the city's traditional boundary
at the Bogota River.
In Bogota, a city long marked by corruption and political upheaval, the orderly Paisa culture of Medellin is replaced by the more industrious and toilsome Cochoco Bogota spirit of business and bureaucracy.  At its core, the city of Bogota seems only to exist so that the nation’s financial, military, and political engines can maintain order within the country.  And  to a large degree this spirit of pervades all aspects of capital: although over the past twenty years there have been non-partisan political forces that have truly transformed Bogota socially and economically -- most famously the mayoral duo of Antanas Mockus and Enrique Penalosa -- for the most part political regimes have supported alternating conservative and liberal factions toward corruptive ends and blurred results.  This alternating of policies from anti-urban to pro-urban, from pro-mass-transit policies to the city’s current eight-year stint against expanding the city’s existing TransMilenio BRT, all of this points toward a mixed opinion of urbanism and social architecture in general.  Other than some exquisite works by Colombian master architect Rogelio Salmona the city is rife with mid-rise apartments and offices that take a neutral stance toward public space, a decidedly anti-urban approach to city sprawl, and a highly conservative approach to the use of traditional brick and concrete construction techniques.  Unlike Medellin where social and political culture draws a hard line between the formal and the informal, in Bogota wherever the city government draws a line -- formal or informal -- the forces of the city work to blur the boundary and smooth out any difference between one and the other.  Bogota is a city of soft lines between the formal and the informal.

Biblioteca El Tintal takes the soft frame of the city's original
waste disposal facility and expands it past its original boundaries
to create a light-filled urban library center
With such a history of political oscillation and fluctuation between formal and informal urban forces, the best building to exemplify the characteristics of this soft line city is the El Tintal Biblioteca in El Tintal, a neighborhood southwest of the city’s center.  El Tintal Biblioteca (library) is one of four major libraries in Bogota, and as El Tintal has only emerged as a residential core neighborhood within the past twenty years it is also one of the neighborhoods least tied to the political mistakes and fluctuations of the past.  But true to form, Bogota finds a way to blur the boundaries between the new and the old, between useable space and unusable no-mans-lands, between space for formal functions and informal operations, and between programmed zones and unprogrammed parks and plazas.  Although El Tintal Biblioteca could have been located anywhere within the El Tintal barrio, architect Daniel Bermudez chose to site the building around an existing waste facility.  The facility’s existing ramp structure -- although originally only intended for waste disposal -- was converted into a central axis entry that projects out over a conflicted public plaza.  Is the open space meant to be used as an extension of the library? Is it meant to be used as an extension of the large public park next door? From our observations there were formal operations on the plaza (library tours, public seating, and bike spaces) but the plaza was also home to illegal/informal street vendors, hawkers asking for money, and local kids just trying their hand at learning moves on their skateboards.

When given the opportunity, buildings and plazas in Bogota are planned as formal developments to be used for formal purposes.  But for every intended use, the people and social practices of Bogota seem to seek out an equilibrium of formal and informal uses for the city’s many public (and sometimes not-so-public) spaces.

Chapter 3: Cartagena -- the Broken Line


Cartagena: bound by the Caribbean
to the North and West, the city's
development has stitched and
broken apart sections of the
city to create new urban develop-
ment zones
Given the transition between Medellin to Bogota -- from a city of hard lines to a city of soft lines, formal to blurred formal, you would perhaps anticipate that Cartagena is a city of utmost informality. A place where social customs trump spatial customs and physical boundaries kneel at the feet of unspoken cultural boundaries.  But the incredible gradient that is visible throughout Colombia that to American outsiders appears to range from formal to informal is actually, in fact, all formal.  There is no informal business in Colombia (unless it is relative to American business).  Every social custom, every spatial use, every physical boundary, and every cultural norm is in fact a formal process and quantifiable reality to Colombians.  For that reason Cartagena makes for a fascinating urban and architectural laboratory since so many of the city’s buildings date back for 200+ years and many of the practices that we students witnessed on the streets, which seem so informal and ad hoc to us, are in fact cultural forms of expression that have been passed down from generation to generation (this formalization of the informal is monumentalized perfectly through the iron statues scattered around the city depicting everyday Cartagenan Costenos engaged in informal activities.  The fruit-basket ladies. The ice-grinders. The men playing chess-- all are formal characters and formal practices cast into the life of Cartagenans, meant to remind locals and visitors alike that their city is one in which old and new, past and present, are stitched together by practices and not by policies.  



A perfect example to understand this informal formality is the multifaceted use of Las Paredes de Cartagena -- the city walls of Cartagena.  At one time these walls stood to repel invaders.  To protect the city from intrusion. To maintain order within the city and to command from each post and wall walk a respect for the Spanish military that kept the city safe.  But today the walls have been appropriated in a way that breaks down old spatial formalities and replaces them with new and specialized practices of informality which, over time, have themselves been re-crystallized as formal practices.  

Just as the physical terrain has been torn apart
and stitched together at the regional scale, so too
have Cartagena's historic walls (shown dashed)
been torn apart in order to stitch the city's colonial
center back into the urban fabric
The walls now serve to welcome guests from around the world.  They stand as cultural icons photographed for tourist brochures meant to draw foreigners toward the city-- completely different from their repelling intentions during the colonial era.  The walls have been perforated by roads that allow cars to pass in and out with ease, while raised stone walkways that once were traversed only by the military elite have now been reappropriated as a series of small public ‘parks’, each serving a specialized formally informal function.  While one segment of the wall may be the ideal location to sit and sip a cool drink at Cafe del Mar, another segment makes use of cobblestone window-wells as the ultimate location to share in an intimate conversation.  Weddings are hosted and marriages are proposed on the same crenelations that once staged battles between the Cartagena imperialists and attacking invaders.

Suffice all of this to say that the walls of Cartagena function as an excellent metaphor for boundaries in the Caribbean city.  While most neighborhoods and buildings are separated by an archipelago of water (or walls at the scale of individual buildings) they are connected visually, programmatically, and in every way culturally, through rips, tears, and stitches.  Perhaps the walls act as a metaphor for cultural and architectural formalism in Colombia as well: given enough time, informal customs will crystalize into formal arrangements that bring buildings and people into a closer relationship with their social and physical environments.

2014-09-03

Summer Sketchbook Complete

It's been amazing to see this book of empty pages fill with summer experiences. Check out the link below to view my sketchbook from Colombia 2014.


I would like to try keeping a sketchbook of this quality while I'm in Philadelphia. For some reason while I have been in school my sketchbooks always end up full of class notes, random thoughts, phone numbers, and not a lot of sketches. I'd like to try emphasizing that more, since it was a lot of fun to do daily sketches this summer.

2014-07-31

Colombia 2014: Forms of Informality




The Urbanisms:

The Hard Line [FORMAL]
     MEDELLIN; where transportation, city planning, policies, the Paisa culture, and city’s physical limits seek to standardize, regulate, and formalize all aspects of the informal.

The Soft Line [HYBRID] 
      BOGOTA; where a sprawling city and soft network of mass-transit decypher/untangle/unscramble/re-constitute a city into chunks of formality. But in every planned development, in every government project, in every web of planned infrastructure - whether for the rich or the poor - forces of informality persist to soften hard boundaries [continued development of the mountain, informal uses for the Bosque de Esperanza, means of avoiding ley seca, tequilla-ticket avoiders on TransMilenio, politicians who attempt unconventional policies -- Mockus/Penalosa].

The Broken Line [INFORMAL]
     CARTAGENA; constrained, perforated, and then unconstrained, the city’s Costeno culture epitomizes the free-flowing spirit of Informal Colombia. Where boundaries exist, people strive to exceed them. Where limits and terrain obstruct growth, development, and recreation, infrastructure, geographic divisions and connections seek to stitch them back together.


The Metrics

- formal/informal development of the urban fringe
medellin - libraries and metrocable
bogota - mountain park systems and attempts to absorb informal barrios
cartagena - method of linking together its archaeopelago and relocating peoples

- formal uses of informal space
medellin - ‘informal’ development of the hillsides into a self-constructed barrio
bogota - the standardized uses of informal side
cartagena - the city wall and its formal uses as public space

- informal uses of formal space
medellin - the park/playground uses for santo domingo metrocable stop
bogota - the many uses of mazzanti’s bosque de esperanza canopy
cartagena - plaza trinidad in the daytime/nighttime

- co-presence of informal and formal transit
medellin - metro line and local busetas
bogota - transmilenio and local busetas
cartagena - roads versus boats; analysis of movement along city waterways

- formal city boundaries and informal geographic distinction 
medellin - gang boundaries along the library in san cristobal
bogota - the east/west divide between rich and poor along avenida caracas
cartagena - the breaking of the city wall and the bubble that remains

- informal architecture in a culture of formal-architecture acceptance
medellin - felipe mesa vs javier vera
bogota - giancarlo mazzanti vs daniel bermudez
cartagena - the rigid grid of the old city vs. the student work from the los andes taller

2014-06-20

Summer Sketches preview

Planning out some summer sketches while working and traveling in Colombia. Here's a quick preview






2014-04-23

First Academic Publication

Exciting news from the writing-front.  My paper Post/Post was selected by the PennDesign Planning department for its 2014 issue of Panorama. Check out the publication/link below:


2014-02-17

Thesis Draft 1.0

1. What happens to politically significant buildings when regimes shift and a new political entity comes into power?
2. How does our current culture (or social structure) wrestle with and decide what to do with buildings left over from a previous political generation or social zeitgeist?
3. What happens to buildings that are left beached upon changing social and economic tides?



-- A classification of types of buildings based on the catalyst for their original creation. Political, cultural, educational, economic, residential, infrastructural, institutional, etc. (Choose one type for simplicity’s sake).

-- A dichotomy of why the building has come to its state of abandonment.  Political upheaval, social acceptance lost, changing global economy, cultural ambitions and cultural capacity has changed, educational/institutional models have shifted, economic/geographic flux, natural disaster, material decay, infrastructural obsolescence, demographic shifts, martial action, etc.

-- An analysis of the qualities/qualifiers that impact the building’s capacity to adapt [carrying capacity]. Utilitas, firmitas, venustas (cc. Eduardo Rojas).

-- Degrees of intervention
re-creational (remake in old image)
co-creational (remake to match the context of a place but with the respect to the building’s original form/function/use.
neo-creational (to complement existing qualities of the building to new additional uses)
post-creational (to contrast historic building characteristics with vastly modernized material/form/use)

-- Considerations for how these interventions may impact society and lead to new conception/life of old building

-- Apply in a design. A building that embodies these characteristics and which has a socio/cultural/political charge to see how adaptation can bring about critical analysis and new use for unused buildings.


**In addition to the ‘Apply in a design’ step, also consider the following:
An exploratory analysis of the ways in which we convey a building’s use and image prior to its physical reuse/construction. What means and media do we use to impact/address (point 2) dichotomies for the building’s original abandonment. How can designers use media to modify popular mindset.

Similar to Alexander Zaera Polo’s Politics of the Envelope, a study of historical and politically charged buildings, analyzing what happens to a significant structure during political transformations or shifts in political/economic power


“In investigation into the interplay of politics and architecture with a quest toward understanding why buildings are abandoned, what keeps them in their state of abandonment, and what factors are necessary to achieve their eventual adaptation and re-use. Of special interest is the process that power swings in politics and economics bring about and how educators, students, and practitioners can be more aware of the factors at play in a design project.”

2014-01-27

Post/Post




Terms

Post-Colonial: 
For the sake of this paper, post-colonial is defined as the global era in which global colonial powers divested their colonial holdings and territories. As a local marker, South Africa’s post-colonial era began formally on 31 May 1961, the day on which the People of South Africa gained independence from the United Kingdom with the dissolution of the Union of South Africa and the formation of the Republic of South Africa.  South African nationalist intentions existed long before this actual date, but it functions well as a watershed for the purposes of this paper.

Post-Apartheid:
Apartheid is an Afrikaans word defined as ‘the state of being apart’.  The apartheid era of racial segregation was maintained by the National Party of South Africa’s white-minority-rule government from 1948 to 1994.  The current post-apartheid era began on 27 April 1994 with the election of Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s first black president.

1. Atop Meintjieskop

“To reveal the unconscious of a city, we need to track the visible marks of the passage of time and the various lines of flight that symbolize the culture of a place” 
–Achille Mbebe

Meet our first subject: two large sandstone Edwardian structures, each capped with a domed stone tower in the Cape Dutch style and linked with a small semi-circular Italian Renaissance style arcade.  The East and West halves of this edifice stand in tension with each other; although each side of the building is a mirror image of the other their separateness hints that their architectural connectedness is contrived. The two halves seem bound together more out of programmatic necessity than any overpowering desire for togetherness. The building’s presence, although bisected by a central courtyard, conveys a powerful air of political colonial purpose and directionality-- from the heights of Meintjieskop, the highest point in Pretoria, the building seems to boldly proclaim the rallying cry, ‘Outward!’  Our subject, although aged by a century of continual use, endures for the purposes it was originally intended: known simply as the Union Buildings, it houses the offices for the President of the Republic of South Africa.
Closely analyzing this work or architecture serves as a brief introductory exercise in spatial semiotics, revealing that the principles on which South African design is predicated— even at the highest levels— are often fraught with division and social separateness.  When British architect Herbert Baker originally envisioned the Union Buildings in 1909, the two separate towers were meant to represent the two ruling classes of the country; the Afrikaners and the British.  A third tower, never constructed, was to stand as a Temple of Peace alongside the connective arcade [figure 1].

Figure 1

In their separateness, each building alludes to a greater separateness physically manifest throughout the country— namely in South Africa’s apartheid urban planning and governance policies enacted from 1948 to 1994— but also mentally and socially manifested in the vast inequality between the nation’s rich and poor.  The Union Buildings are one of many buildings and public spaces that still exist today unchanged from the time when South Africa was merely a colonial holding of the British Empire, and in an era of both post-colonialism, and contemporary post-apartheid governance it falls to a young South African republic to wrestle with how best to use and re-use its existing building stock and urban plan paradigms in ways that exemplify the values of a young country seeking dignity, equality, and continued unification.  Perhaps the best way to consider the stakes of this argument is with an awareness for the country’s current political landscape and design culture.  Known as the Rainbow Nation: South Africa’s moniker alludes to the diversity of its people and history. Contemporary design and preservation is inherently linked to politics and place; keeping the turbulent and diverse history of the country in mind, this paper seeks to investigate the adaptation and the cultural context for reuse of historical urban buildings in post-apartheid South Africa.

2. Leveling the Playing Field

“The strategic-political and ultimately moral-historical question is how to move toward understanding without ever forgetting, but to remember without constantly rekindling the divisive passions of the past.  Such an approach is the only one which would allow us to look down into the darkness of the well of the atrocities of the past and to speculate on their causes at the same time as we haul up the waters of hope for a future of dignity and equality.” 
-Neville Alexander

Before pursuing any additional case studies, it is important to assess South Africa’s current environment for architectural adaptive reuse and historic preservation.  A political culture exists in favor of modifying history that was previously censored by apartheid in favor of a more democratic historical narrative. Pertaining to all matters of South African heritage, ‘public history’ should be distinguished from ‘people’s history’; a ‘public history’ approach popularizes knowledge about the past while the ‘people’s history’ movement serves to democratize total knowledge.  Public history, as it is commonly regarded in South Africa, “brings to light aspects of the past excluded in dominant or elitist history,” while a people’s history “defines instead the different processes through which knowledge about the past is introduced”.
As South Africa has transformed from a country of elite history (heritage known only to the privileged upper class) to a country of popularized history (allowing past ‘hidden’ facts and heritage to be made known to everyone), there is a growing shift toward a normative public history by means of prescriptive people’s history techniques.  For instance, publicizing the political history of Robben Island and the events that transpired there has led to greater popular understanding and reconciliation between those who were oppressed and their oppressors.
At smaller scales, South African museums are beginning to share the stories of what happened during apartheid so as to popularize each individual’s experiences, while democratizing South Africans’ ability to gain access to this shared history as a whole.  Public and people’s history movements are excellent means of reconciling past differences, although more regrettable examples of modifying shared history also can be found in the changing of the physical landscape to purge unwanted facts from the public sphere.  One example is as follows: in the nineteen years since Mandela’s African National Congress political party (ANC) gained control of the presidency there has been a concerted effort to remove the monuments and institutions erected to commemorate politicians and political actions of apartheid.  Of the many ‘erasures’ conducted by the current post-apartheid government, the act of changing street names and statues originally christened in memory of Prime Minister H.F. Verwoerd provides an excellent example. PM Verwoerd’s public presence has since been largely removed throughout the country in effect to erase all public memory of the politician on account of his actions implementing apartheid legislation.  Other acts of name-changing are at a far greater scale, such as the current national government’s efforts to rename the culturally Afrikaans city Pretoria to the more nationalistic Setswana name Tshwane.
These meta-narratives of the democratizing national government erasing unfortunate themes from South African history impact preservation movements around the country with an increased sense of hesitation to preserve or adapt any historic building that is tied too closely with the apartheid regime or its colonial forebears.  Edwardian, Dutch, Victorian, and Cape Dutch architectural styles found throughout South Africa bear stylistic marks of the colonial presence the British and Dutch Empires throughout the country.  In the decades prior to South Africa’s 1961 independence, modern styles such as Art Deco, Art Moderne, and early modernism found their way into the apartheid vernacular most prominently in the 1949 Voortrekker Monument.

Figure 2
Unlike Eastern European peer monuments, whose dedication in commemoration of nationalistic pride is often followed just as surely by the monument’s eventual neglect and/or demolition, the Voortrekker monument has survived intact to the present day, kept, even by the post-apartheid government, “as a reminder of the oppression of the apartheid era… to learn from the lessons of the past”.
At an urban level, heritage conservation has a powerful bearing on the identity of white South Africans, and it is far more difficult to ‘erase’ artifacts of the urban fabric—especially if the artifact of the past is the urban fabric itself!  Cities are, in essence, the “principal repository of white civilization in the country”, and since apartheid times urban areas have largely been held at arm’s length from black citizens (unless overwhelmed by sheer numbers and/or white flight). South Africans of Afrikaans or British descent have held majority stock in many South African urban areas. Although not in the majority by population, the building stock and ‘sacred’ public spaces of Pretoria, Cape Town, Bloemfontein, and even Johannesburg are home to an incredible repository of culture, ergo white South African identity.
The extent to which white South Africans deny or exclude their affairs from colored, Indian, or black citizens (and vice versa) in urban environments seems emboldened by the urban spatial structure established by apartheid planning paradigms.  The ways in which neighborhoods, buildings, thoroughfares, parks, malls, and commercial areas are arranged largely exacerbates cultural disconnects.
Pietermaritzburg, capital of the Natal province, is a case in point; although surrounded by residents of the KwaZulu homeland [figure 2], the architecture and spatial/social structure of Pietermaritzburg’s urban core remains largely untouched and unchanged from its apartheid form.  Described as a “charming Victorian city grafted onto Boer Voortrekker roots,” Pietermaritzburg is “replete with an impressive heritage of British colonial associations and past military victories”.
The stability and permanence of the buildings and spaces throughout the city give a false impression that the city is a bustling center of British-apartheid construct.  Grand halls and monuments erected in the early 1900’s still stand, as does the unspoken acknowledgement that blacks should not get too comfortable living within the city core.  The specters of past white dominance still haunt the halls of civic and public buildings, and while these ghosts of apartheid past stand firmly rooted in the core of the city they seem to also stake a claim to the city on behalf of the White minority.  For better or for worse Churchill’s famous adage that “we shape our buildings, and afterwards our buildings shape us” may keep white South Africans from embracing the post-apartheid reality and reimagining historic structures in new ways, often simply because so little of the physical context has changed and that which remains bears too similar a resemblance to the structures of the old regime.
Will there be a turning point at which these historic buildings are demolished and the new national government erects new structures in their place? Or, hopefully more likely, will there emerge a new national spirit bold enough to stake claim and ownership over even the most connotative apartheid and colonialist structures, giving them a new identity and vision for the emerging Rainbow Nation?

3. Case Study: A Light on a Hill

“Rising from the ashes of that ghastly era, it will shine forth as a pledge for all time that South Africa will never return to that abyss.  It will stand as an affirmation that South Africa is indeed a better place for all.”  
–Nelson Mandela

One exemplary landmark of how the South African built landscape has adapted from its colonial past into a post-apartheid present is in the Constitution Hill complex in downtown Johannesburg.  Located two kilometers north of the Johannesburg CBD, Constitution Hill fills a void between the wealthy northwestern districts of Braamfontein and Sunnyside and the economically emergent Hillbrow neighborhood [figure 3].
Constitution Hill and its accompanying Constitutional Court (the supreme court of South Africa for cases challenging the nation’s constitution) sits atop Number Four, an ‘everyday urban prison’ used from 1904 until 1983 by the city of Johannesburg in the detention of political dissidents and criminals.  Number Four itself grew from the expansion of the Afrikaans Old Fort which was established in 1896 to protect the city from British incursions and to police what once was the small mining town of Johannesburg. Number Four was expanded in 1904 and 1928 to provide a women’s jail and an ‘awaiting trial block’ for criminals before their trials.  By the time of its closure in 1983 the facility had processed thousands of apartheid-era prisoners— these were the sorts of criminals you might find guilty in varying degrees: some for stealing, others for homicide or rape, but also those who had been convicted of the petty crime of disobeying apartheid-imposed group area laws and trespassing into city sectors designated for other ethnicities.  In 1994, eleven years after Number Four’s closure, when the country’s Constitutional Court was formed and was in need of a building to host their affairs, the old awaiting trial block was suggested for adaptive reuse to be used as the new home of the Constitutional Court.  This location seemed appropriate as one through which the mission of the Constitutional Court—to protect and preserve the long-abused human rights of South African people— could find physical realization.

Figure 3
By crystallizing heritage as a political process which is part of the national narrative for human rights in South Africa, Number Four was no longer a neutral or negative space.  Atrocities of the past which had been committed there could be revisited and re-envisioned in a positive light through a filter of redemption and reconciliation.  Realizing that the urban prison was an immense repository of apartheid-era heritage, the preservation and adaptation brief proposed by the Constitutional Court challenged international design teams to propose a building that would re-use components of Number Four to create a new National Court.
In the end, it was not a foreign architecture firm whose vision was realized in the new facility, but rather the vision of a few recent university graduates.  Their proposal to reuse the physical remains of the original ‘awaiting trial block’ and incorporate the old guard towers— each newly adorned with a glowing light mast— creates an open and democratized judicial experience [figure 4a].

Figure 4a
Linking the past and the future, honoring the mission of the Constitutional Court and calling attention to its higher purpose by setting it in stark contrast with the prison and trial facilities of the past, the Constitution Hill complex is a beautiful example of adaptation at all levels.  From the scale of one small brick taken from the old cell block and reused to demarcate the walls of the new court [figure 4b], to the scale of the entire region with Constitution Hill stitching together divided segments of the kaleidoscopic city, the past is honored and acknowledged while paving way for a brighter future.

Figure 4b

4 Reuse and Gentrification

“It is said that Johannesburg has been built up and torn down no less than five times since it first appeared on the Highveld in 1886.  And each time it has re-emerged even uglier than before.”
– John Matshikiza

While the adaptive reuse of Constitution Hill has solid ethical foundations, it is critical to remember that when it comes to popular history and people’s history, museums and heritage sites in South Africa “are not valued as much for what they are, as for what they can do”, (emphasis added).  Gevisser observes that the city ‘supported [development of Constitution Hill] not so much because they believe in the power of heritage, but because they are interested in inner-city regeneration’.  Financial backing for Constitution Hill was provided in part by the Johannesburg Development Authority (JDA) and Blue IQ (an economic development initiative of the Gauteng Provincial Government), two institutions with a vested interest in the economic and social prosperity that such a development would engender.
To consider heritage conservation and rehabilitation purely for economic gain is a dangerous game to play.  In cities around the world inner city economic development has led to widespread gentrification as new development closes a value gap and displaces existing residents into surrounding lower-class neighborhoods.  From 1992 through the mid 2000’s tenants and landlords evacuated their inner city Johannesburg properties in favor of northern suburbs, mainly due to fear of black uprising and already heavy crime rates.  A notable relocation came in 2000 when the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (now the JSE Securities Exchange) moved from its Hollard Street location in inner-city Marshalltown to the booming northern suburb of Sandton.
While northern-oriented white flight characterized the first years of the new millennium in Johannesburg, the renewed interest in the city core propelled by the FIFA World cup in 2010 a number of historic properties have seen critical reinvestment and their halo effects are beginning to be felt in the residential and artistic community throughout the inner city core.  One such project, the Barbican Building, had seen a number of adaptations before it was overrun by homeless squatters in the late 90’s.  Originally the tallest building in the city in 1930 at the time of its completion, the Barbican was used over the next 70 years for everything from workshops to studio spaces, fashion stores to automobile showrooms.  Beginning in 1994 the building sat dormant and suffered intense destruction-by-neglect at the hand of its absentee and laissez-faire landowner (Old Mutual Bank), but in 2009 the bank realized it could make a profit on its land due to generally improved neighborhood conditions.  By 2012 the Barbican had been rehabilitated into a mixed-use office space and high-end residential complex.
While this night-to-day transformation from a slum to a trendy loft is indicative of the rapid gentrification taking place throughout much of inner-city Johannesburg, and while it is a substantial win for the preservation community to experience these sort of adaptations taking place, there are still many battles to fight.  In an effort to adapt historic apartheid and colonial-era structures into a new democratic metropolitan milieu, it is important to remember that the spatial structure of every colonial-era city is tainted with a bias of racial separateness.  South Africans of all colors need to dig deep into their collective past to determine the purposes of their existing buildings and to investigate how they can be best used to heal the wounds of the past and lay a firm foundation for the future.

Rehabilitated Barbican: A symbol of gentrification?


6. Meintjieskop Revisited

“There is nothing like returning to a place that remains unchanged to find the ways in which you yourself have altered.”
 –Nelson Mandela

Planners, designers, and developers shape our physical environments, this much cannot be disputed.  Their machinations give us a framework to know who does what, where.  Our actions and motivations (the why) can be shaped by the existing physical context (spaces established by others), but they can also counteract these forces by (re)shaping physical context and its perception by the general public.  Any pre-1994 building in South Africa will be seen for their ties to apartheid, but it is the way individuals act in these post-apartheid spaces that redefines how the country and its citizens view themselves and their role in shaping the nation.  In closing, it is worth revisiting our original subject: The Union Buildings.  Although they were seen for over 80 years as pure and unswerving relics of colonialism and apartheid, it was not until Nelson Mandela took his oath of office in the amphitheater between the two buildings that they began to embody a new form of union– that between the political powers of the past and present desire for racial and cultural reconciliation.  It is in this continued quest for spatial union and adaptation that South Africa will find sure footing for the future.